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Why did the Jabidah Massacre occur - Sabah Notes - Interstate Conflicts - JC History Tuition Singapore

Why did the Jabidah massacre occur?

Topic of Study [For H2 History Students]:
Paper 2: Regional Conflicts and Co-operation
Source Based Case Study
Theme III Chapter 1: Inter-state tensions and co-operation [dispute over Sabah]

Learn more about the historical significance of the Jabidah Massacre on Corregidor Island in the Philippines [Video by Al Jazeera English].

Origins
In the late 1960s, the Marcos administration launched a clandestine operation to infiltrate and sabotage Sabah. In summary, the plan was to reclaim the disputed territory of Sabah from Malaysia.

Contesting claims
These developments can be traced to the territorial disputes between Malaysia and the Philippines. Sabah was endowed with abundant natural resources, producing billions of dollars worth of timber, platinum and gold.

The Philippine authorities asserted that the Sabah territory belonged to the Sultan of Sulu, who ruled from 1666 to 1946. After the Second World War, the British oversaw the decolonisation of Malaya and the creation of the Malaysian Federation that included Sabah (Borneo Territories).

However, the Philippine government insisted that the British ‘rented’ Sabah from the Sultan of Sulu and thus had no right to transfer land rights to Malaysia.

Though Britain included Sabah in the lands for the Malaysian Federation, the British had only been renting Sabah from the Sultan, and did not own it to give away, just as Spain did not own Sulu to sell it to America in 1898. The Sultan and most Moros felt as if someone were selling a horse that did not belong to them. How could the British give away the Sultan’s land, something he had owned 280 years?

An excerpt taken from “Nur Misuari: An Authorized Biography” by Tom Stern.

Given that the Sultan of Sulu, Jamalul Kiram II, was unable to pressure the British to reclaim Sabah from Malaysia, he turned to the Philippine government for help. The Sultan transferred his rights of the Sabah territory to Manila, in hopes that the latter would retake Sabah.

On 22 January 1962, Manila opposed a British note and insisted that it had rights to North Borneo. Diplomatic solutions were futile as seen by the outcome of the United Nations-supervised Referendum held on 13 September 1963. While a majority of the people in Sabah and Sarawak voted to join the Malaysian Federation, Manila and Jakarta opposed the results. Notably, this gave rise to the Konfrontasi.

Marcos’ Plan: Oplan Merdeka
In 1968, Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos hatched a plan to reclaim Sabah from Malaysia. He authorised the training of recruits, who were mostly Tausug people. By conspiring with their kin in Sabah, Marcos was certain that a civil unrest would ensue.

When that happens, the Sabah people would either secede from Malaysia or Manila would assume full control of the disputed territory.

The secret mission was codenamed ‘Operation Merdeka’ (‘Freedom’). These Muslim recruits were promised to be paid and be a part of the Philippine Armed Forces (AFP). As they were trained in an abandoned hospital, the recruits did not receive the payment as promised.

Eventually, the recruits realised that they were sent to invade Sabah and had to take the lives of their Muslim brethren in Malaysia. Horrified by this revelation, they submitted a petition to Marcos, seeking to expose the ill-treatment and deception by their superiors. Yet, their petition did not reach Marcos.

On 18 March 1968, more than 28 Muslim trainees were killed on Corregidor Island by soldiers of the AFP, sparking the rise of Muslim separatism that destabilised the Philippines ever since.

However, when members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines massacred more than 28 Moro Muslim recruits on March 18, 1968, on the Philippine island of Corregidor (called the Jabidah massacre), the sentiments of the Muslims in the Philippines led to the mobilization of the Muslim population, subsequently leading to the formation of the MNLF, led by the University of the Philippines professor Nur Misuari, that was able to challenge the Philippine state in terms of arms.

An excerpt taken from “The Slippery Slope to Genocide: Reducing Identity Conflicts and Preventing Mass Murder” by Mark Anstey, Paul Meerts and William Zartman.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about Inter-state Tensions. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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Why did the Ten Day War Happen - Bosnian War Notes - Intrastate Conflicts - JC History Tuition Singapore

Why did the Ten Day War Happen?

Historical context: Slovenian Independence
In the wake of Josip Broz Tito‘s death on 4 May 1980 as well as the decline of Communism in Eastern Europe in 1989, the political stability of Yugoslavia was at risk. In addition, the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution and its provisions posed a strong impetus for the decentralisation of power to the republics.

As the former satellites under communist rule in Eastern Europe fell apart, Yugoslavia was increasingly influenced by democratic forces. On 8 April 1990, Slovenia held its first multiparty elections since World War Two. The Democratic Opposition of Slovenia (DEMOS) won the majority, forming the government of Slovenia.

On 25 June 1991, Slovenia declared independence from Yugoslavia, triggering the start of the Ten-Day War.

In the 1980s, Slovenians demanded the same things Americans asked for in the 1770s: free speech, right to assembly, democracy, and more control over the taxing and spending. They made two mistakes on their way to independence. First, in November 1989, Slovenia prohibited Serbs and Montenegrins from coming to Ljubljana to protest against Slovenia’s constitutional changes. This hypocritically contradicted their demand for free speech and free assembly. […]

Their second mistake was firing a gun. In 1991, Slovenia’s declaration of independence led to a ten-day civil war with Yugoslavia. […] Here’s the Ten-Day War summary: you’re carrying a grenade launcher and you’re fighting a seven-year-old Slovenian boy with a water pistol: “Bang! Bang! You’re dead!” the boy screams. You fall to the ground, pretending to be dead, and the boy declares victory.

An excerpt taken from “The Hidden Europe: What Eastern Europeans Can Teach Us” by Francis Tapon.

The military confrontation and the eventual cessation of hostilities
The Yugoslav government rejected Slovenia’s unilateral declaration of independence as seen by its deployment of the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) a day later. The JNA surrounded Slovenia, cutting the latter from the outside world. In retaliation, the Slovenian police and Territorial Defense set up barricades by using large transport vehicles. Yet, such efforts were futile as the JNA drove armoured vehicles.

Fortunately, the conflict came to an end with the signing of the Brioni Agreement on 7 July 1991. The European Community (EC) oversaw the peace process that involved representatives of Slovenia, Yugoslavia and Croatia.

Notably, the Agreement called for a ceasefire and the withdrawal of JNA forces from Slovenia. Negotiations on the future of Yugoslavia were to commence on 1 August 1991 and that the Yugoslav people were to determine their future.

The Brioni Agreement was significant in that it guaranteed the continued engagement of the EC in the Yugoslav situation through the legal establishment of the European Community Monitor Mission (ECMM). Furthermore, although it effectively suspended Slovenia’s bid for independence for three months, the Brioni Agreement paved the way for Slovenia’s full independence from Yugoslavia by extending a set of EC-issued prerequisites. After the Brioni Agreement was signed, the JNA withdrew its forces from Slovenia but repositioned them in Croatia, where violence continued until 1995.

An excerpt taken from “War in the Balkans: An Encyclopedic History from the Fall of the Ottoman Empire to the Breakup of Yugoslavia” by Richard C. Hall.

A short-lived peace in Croatia and the Start of the Bosnian War
Even after the Brioni Agreement was signed, the international community’s efforts to forestall a Yugoslav war were inadequate. For instance, the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 713 on 25 September 1991 was to impose an arms embargo on all former Yugoslav territories. Yet, the Serb forces used the military equipment of the JNA and the Croat and Bosniak forces gathered their military supplies via Croatia.

In late September 1991, the JNA advanced its forces into the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Mostar, drawing strong protests by the local government. In response, the Bosniaks and Croats clashed with the JNA. By then, the Bosnian War had begun.


Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the Bosnian War under the theme of Conflict and Cooperation. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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JC History Tuition Singapore - What was the Tet Offensive - Vietnam War Notes

What was the Tet Offensive?

Topic of Study [For H2 History Students]: 
Paper 1: Understanding the Cold War (1945-1991)
Section A: Source-based Case Study
Theme I Chapter 2: A World Divided by the Cold War – Manifestations of the global Cold War: Vietnam War (1959-75)

Topic of Study [For H1 History Students]:
Essay Questions
Theme III Chapter 1: The Cold War and Southeast Asia (1945-1991): Factors shaping the Second Indochina War (1959–1975)

Examine the historical significance of the Tet Offensive in 1968 that shaped the developments of the Second Indochina War [Video by History]

Historical Context: Ho Chi Minh’s Plan
On 30-31 January 1968, the North Vietnamese forces and the Viet Cong launched a coordinated military campaign in South Vietnam. It coincided with the Vietnamese New Year, known as the Tet, in which many South Vietnamese soldiers were preoccupied with this celebration.

Ho Chi Minh formulated this plan to carry out the Tet Offensive to achieve two main goals:

  • To sow discord between the United States and South Vietnamese forces.
  • To cause an internal collapse of authority within South Vietnam and spark unrest to oppose the Saigon regime.

During the Battle of Hue, the Viet Cong overran the city and took control of Hue, claiming the lives of thousands of inhabitants within. The Allied troops had to take nearly a month to regain control of Hue. In doing so, the USA had incurred rising casualties, which was a problem concealed by the government.

The Viet Cong fighters piled into a truck and a taxicab and drove to their target. Just before 3 A.M., as they drove past the night gate, the Viet Cong opened fire on the two American guards stationed there. […] Shortly after 9 A.M., the embassy was officially declared clear of all enemy fighters. General William Westmoreland, commander of all U.S. forces in Vietnam, strode onto the embassy grounds in clean, pressed uniform. Westmoreland told reporters that the attack on the embassy had been part of a wider Viet Cong assault across Vietnam. He complained that the Viet Cong had broken a holiday truce to stage these attacks.

An excerpt taken from “The Tet Offensive: Turning Point of the Vietnam War” by Dale Anderson.

Although the campaign targeted more than 100 cities and towns, including the southern capital Saigon, it was a catastrophic military disaster for the communists. As many as 50,000 communist troops died in their attempt to gain control of South Vietnam.

Vietnam War - Tet Offensive - West Point 2
Map illustration of the Tet Offensive during the Vietnam War.
Illustration provided by West Point, US Military Academy.

Unintended Consequences: The Quagmire
Nonetheless, the repercussions of the Tet Offensive on the United States were serious. As the Johnson administration had repeatedly reassured the American public that a swift and decisive victory was possible in Vietnam, the Tet Offensive had raised doubts on this promise.

The American journalist Walter Cronkite had exposed the deception of the Johnson administration in a provoking broadcast. This revelation was made after his personal trip to Hue in Vietnam, in which the most intense urban warfare took place during the war.

We have been too often disappointed by the optimism of the American leaders, both in Vietnam and Washington, to have faith any longer in the silver linings they find in the darkest clouds. […]

To say that we are closer to victory today is to believe, in the face of the evidence, the optimists who have been wrong in the past. To suggest we are on the edge of defeat is to yield to unreasonable pessimism. To say that we are mired in stalemate seems the only realistic, yet unsatisfactory, conclusion. On the off chance that military and political analysts are right, in the next few months we must test the enemy’s intentions, in case this is indeed his last big gasp before negotiations. But it is increasingly clear to this reporter that the only rational way out then will be to negotiate, not as victors, but as an honorable people who lived up to their pledge to defend democracy, and did the best they could.

An excerpt taken from Walter Cronkite’s “We are mired in stalemate” broadcast, 27 February 1968.

As a result, public sentiments became to shift in favour of US withdrawal from Vietnam, given that the people realised that a victory in Vietnam was unlikely, as outlined by Cronkite’s broadcast. Faced with mounting popular pressure, Johnson announced on 31 March 1968 that he would not seek a second term as president of the United States. His successor, Richard Nixon, then proceed with the policy of “Vietnamisation“, which led to a new phase of the US role in the Second Indochina War.


Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the Vietnam War, Korean War and Cuban Missile Crisis. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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What is the purpose of the ASEAN free trade area - JC History Tuition - ASEAN Notes

What is the purpose of the ASEAN Free Trade Area?

Learn more about the ASEAN Free Trade Area that was established in 1992 [Video by NLB Singapore].

Renewed vigour: The origins of the AFTA
The end of the Cold War marked a turning point for ASEAN. With the re-integration of Europe and the formation of the European Union (EU), coupled with the formalisation of the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), ASEAN-6 saw a pressing need to step up its efforts to compete with these regional trading blocs.

The recent initial agreement to create a North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA) has been a cause of concern in ASEAN. The possibility of trade diversion resulting from closure of the North American market has made ASEAN more cognizant of the need for a ballast to overcome the loss of some of the trade with North America. Similarly, growing fears about the creation of a European Economic Area (EEA) have been voiced within ASEAN.

An excerpt taken from “AFTA: The Way Ahead” by Seiji F Naya and Pearl Imada Iboshi.

During the Fourth ASEAN Summit held in Singapore on 27-29 January 1992, the six ASEAN member states signed the Singapore Declaration, which outlined the unified aim of establishing the ASEAN Free Trade Area (AFTA).

Functions of the AFTA & ASEAN Enlargement
The creation of the AFTA was achieved through the Common Effective Preferential Tariff (CEPT) Scheme, in which tariff rates for manufactured and processed agricultural products had to be reduced to 0-5 percent within a fifteen-year time-frame. In particular, the Declaration identified fifteen groups of products to be subjected to the CEPT Scheme, such as cement, fertiliser, electronics and textiles.

For the newer members (Cambodia, Myanmar, Laos and Vietnam, or CMLV), they were given a longer timeframe to implement tariff reductions.

During the 26th ASEAN Economic Ministers’ Meeting on 22-23 September 1994, the timeframe was reduced from fifteen years to ten years, so as to realise the AFTA goals by 2003. In addition, the CEPT scheme was to be applied to all unprocessed agricultural products.

As a result, the value of intra-ASEAN trade rose from less than US$44 billion in 1993 to more than US$85 billion in 1997, suggesting the significant contributions of the AFTA.

Trend of ASEAN Total Trade and Intra-ASEAN Trade (ASEAN Trade Statistics Database)
Source: Thomson Reuters

Building a resilient regional market: The post-Asian Financial Crisis phase
In spite of the disastrous Asian Financial Crisis (July 1997), the regional association remained undeterred by the economic shocks. During the 6th ASEAN Summit on 15-16 December 1998, the ASEAN-6 members agreed to bring forward the deadline of the AFTA implementation from 2003 to 2002 for items in the Inclusion List. This was known as the Hanoi Declaration.

In 1997, the international financial crisis struck Southeast Asia hard. Immediately, the usual instant commentaries predicted that, as a result of the crisis, ASEAN countries would retreat into isolation, that ASEAN would fall into disarray, that AFTA was dead. Such speculations, some of it evidently arising from herd instinct, were made in defiance of logic and without waiting for the facts to unfold.

[…] The fact was that, in 1998, at their summit in Ha Noi, the ASEAN leaders again advanced the completion date of AFTA, this time by one year, to the beginning of 2002 for the six original signatories to the AFTA Agreement, with the later signatories given a few more years to adjust to regional free trade.

An excerpt taken from a statement by Rodolfo C. Severino, Secretary-General of ASEAN, at the workshop on ‘Beyond AFTA: Facing the Challenge of Closer Economic Integration‘, 2 October 2000.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the ASEAN. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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JC History Tuition Singapore - What is the relationship between Vietnam and the ASEAN countries

What is the relationship between Vietnam and the ASEAN countries?

The Cold War lens: Consequences of the Second Indochina War
During the Vietnam War, the Paris Peace Accords were signed on 27 January 1973, which provided an official basis for the full withdrawal of the American troops from South Vietnam. As part of the 1969 Nixon Doctrine, the reduced commitment of the USA in the Asia-Pacific meant that there was a corresponding decline in its military presence in Thailand and the Philippines.

However, Hanoi held deep suspicions of the US motives of manipulating ASEAN as a Cold War instrument in the region, which conflicted with ASEAN’s neutral position as declared under its 1971 Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality (ZOPFAN). Even after the Paris Agreement, some ASEAN member nations maintained relations with the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam (PRG), which Hanoi interpreted as a confirmation of its suspicions.

Besides, tensions were high as Thailand turned to China for help with its looming border security threat. In February 1979, Vietnam and China clashed in a short military confrontation, which could be seen as an extension of the Sino-Soviet split.

In Hanoi’s view, ASEAN is both an offshoot and a disguise of the US-led SEATO that serve the US interests and this explained the “insincerity of ASEAN proposal of neutrality”. Thus, in Hanoi’s future relations with ASEAN the opposition aspect would be greater than the cooperation aspect. Moreover, cooperation should serve to drive a wedge among ASEAN member states, that is “to exploit contradictions among those in the opposite side”, which had become one of the guiding principles of the Vietnamese foreign policy with respect to ASEAN.

An excerpt taken from “Flying Blind: Vietnam’s Decision to Join ASEAN” by Nguyen Vu Tung.

After the fall of Saigon, Deputy Foreign Minister Phan Hien raised a ‘four-point position’ in July 1976, which antagonised ASEAN nations. For instance, one of the four points stated “Regional states should develop cooperation among themselves in accordance with the specific conditions of each state and in the interest of genuine independence, peace, and neutrality in Southeast Asia, thus contributing to the cause of world peace.”

At this stage, Vietnam refused to recognise ZOPFAN and join ASEAN.

Mounting Tensions: The Third Indochina War
In December 1978, Vietnamese troops invaded Kampuchea, causing the outbreak of the Third Indochina War that alarmed ASEAN. On 7 January 1979, a pro-Vietnamese government known as the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) was formed. As a result, ASEAN-Vietnam relations soured.

In response to this gross violation of national sovereignty, ASEAN made repeated joint statements to call for the immediate withdrawal of foreign troops from Kampuchea and the recognition of self-determination. In particular, ASEAN took the lead in calling for the formation of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK) that comprised of three anti-Phnom Penh factions in June 1982.

The Vietnam Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) retaliated by declaring ASEAN countries as “hostile to Vietnam” from 1979 onwards.

As far as ASEAN is concerned, Vietnam is pursuing tactics that deliberately evade and obscure the central fact of the issue: Vietnamese armed occupation of Kampuchea. ASEAN rejects that implicit bilateralization of the problem in Vietnam’s effort to define it as a Thai-Kampuchean border dispute. Moreover, ASEAN has been unwilling to see the Vietnamese military presence in Kampuchea be submerged in a diffuse general agenda on problems of peace and stability in Southeast Asia that might include such topics as US basis in the Philippines. […] Furthermore, Vietnamese initiated bilateral official contacts with ASEAN states appear to be manipulated in a manner calculated to crack ASEAN’s external solidarity by driving a political wedge between the members.

An excerpt taken from “Southeast Asia Divided: The Asean-Indochina Crisis” by Donald E. Weatherbee.

A new age: Post-Cold War transition
On 23 October 1991, the Paris Peace Agreements were signed, marking an official end of the Third Indochina War. The late 1980s marked a turning point for ASEAN-Vietnam relations. Vietnam launched its Doi Moi reform policy to undergo political and economic transformation in both domestic and international fronts. In terms of foreign policy, Vietnam sought to strengthen diplomatic relations with ASEAN member nations in spite of its past transgressions.

The period 1992-1995, spanning an interview from the collapse of the Soviet Union and normalization of relations with China through full membership in ASEAN and diplomatic recognition by the United States, was also a time of significant change in elite views of the nature of the international system, and its implications for Vietnam.

[…] The abrupt end of the Cold War and the collapse of Vietnam’s main supporter certainly qualifies as a major “external shock”, and it had been preceded by the economic shock of the 1980s which, by undermining the old ways of conceiving socialism, had cleared the way for new thinking in the external sphere.

An excerpt taken from “Changing Worlds: Vietnam’s Transition from Cold War to Globalization” by David W. P. Elliott.

In 1992, Vietnam joined the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC). On 28 July 1995, Vietnam joined ASEAN as a full member. Subsequently, Vietnam participated in the ASEAN Free Trade (AFTA), facilitating regional economic integration that made ASEAN flourish economically.


Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the ASEAN. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

We have other JC tuition classes, such as JC Math Tuition and JC Chemistry Tuition. For Secondary Tuition, we provide Secondary English Tuition, Secondary Math tuition, Secondary Chemistry Tuition, Social Studies Tuition, Geography, History Tuition and Secondary Economics Tuition. For Primary Tuition, we have Primary English, Math and Science Tuition. Call 9658 5789 to find out more.

JC History Tuition Singapore - What are Special Economic Zones of China - Economic Transformation Notes

What are Special Economic Zones of China?

Learn more about the Special Economic Zones like Shenzhen, Zhuhai and Xiamen [Video by CGTN].

Vanguards and forerunners: Introducing the SEZs
Between 18 and 22 December 1978, the 3rd Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party was held. During this session, the Chinese government began its pivotal journey in undergoing ambitious economic reforms to correct the errors of the Maoist economic system.

As part of Deng Xiaoping‘s economic reform that began in 1979, the government designated four Special Economic Zones (SEZs): Shenzhen (深圳), Zhuhai (珠海), Shantou (汕头) and Xiamen (厦门).

These SEZs were economically open areas that promoted technology transfer, foreign investment and export activities. China sought to harness its large pool of labour to produce labour-intensive goods for export. By doing so, it can accumulate foreign exchange earnings to meet the demands of its capital-starving economy.

In addition, SEZs were important in accessing foreign technology to stimulate growth. With the influx of foreign direct investment, these SEZs could then utilise foreign technology and production techniques to enhance the processes of domestic enterprises.

The designation of the above-mentioned four SEZs was intentional. Their locations were identified given their proximity to external economies, namely Taiwan, Macau and Hong Kong. There were contemplations of using these SEZs to integrate with these external economies that may eventually lead to ‘political reunification’. Besides, there was limited capital investment, thus the open-door policy could not be implemented nation-wide from the outset.

Case Study: Shenzhen
Among the four SEZs, Shenzhen became the largest and most successful zone (see Table 1.1). Its success could be attributed to its unique geographic location, given that it functioned as a channel between the mainland and Hong Kong. Furthermore, Shenzhen has abundant land resources that gave it much potential for industrial development.

Source: Pioneering Economic Reform in China’s Special Economic Zones: The Promotion of Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer in Shenzhen (Weiping Wu, 1999)

Three major work conferences were held to finetune the development strategies for Shenzhen (1981, 1985 and 1990). For example, the 1990 work conference emphasised the importance of the SEZs as the core of the coastal development strategy as well as the generation of foreign exchange. At that time, the central government directly supervised policymaking and appointments for Shenzhen.

Since the 1990s, Shenzhen’s industrial growth contributed to half of the growth in Gross Domestic Product. In 1994, contribution by the industry was 43 percent compared 11.8 percent in 1979 (see Table 2.2).

Source: Building Engines for Growth and Competitiveness in China: Experience with Special Economic Zones and Industrial Clusters (Directions in Development – Countries and Regions) by Douglas Zhihua Zeng.

In fact, Shenzhen has become one of the political battlefields between the reform and conservative factions in the central government. Its success or failure, at least in the early 1980s, would determine the fate of the reform. The SEZ promoters hoped to use Shenzhen not only to promote foreign investment and technology transfer, but also to learn how to adopt selected features of a market system into the socialist reform. Shenzhen, as well as other SEZs, represented in miniature the very essence of the new reforms.

An excerpt taken from “Pioneering Economic Reform in China’s Special Economic Zones: The Promotion of Foreign Investment and Technology Transfer in Shenzhen” by Weiping Wu.

In 1984, fourteen more coastal cities were designed as SEZs, such as Yantai (烟台), Tianjin (天津) and Shanghai (上海). These SEZs prioritised the promotion of foreign investment.


Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the economic transformation of China and Japan under the theme of The Global Economy. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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JC History Singapore - What is the Four Pests Campaign - China Economic Transformation Notes

What was the Four Pests campaign?

Explore the historical significance of the Four Pests Campaign during Mao Zedong’s Great Leap Forward [Video by CNA Insider]

The second Five Year Plan: Great Leap Forward
In 1958, the Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party Mao Zedong (毛澤東) introduced the second Five Year Plan (1958-1962), also known as the Great Leap Forward. The ambitions Mao aspired to transform China from an agrarian society to a modern, industrial society. Mao even believed that China could outproduce Great Britain, the nation that experienced the Industrial Revolution.

Com[rade] Khrushchev told us that the Soviet Union will overtake America in fifteen years. Well, then, I can also say in a preliminary way that in fifteen years we, too, possibly, will overtake England.

[…] And what will China have in fifteen years’ time? China, possibly, will have 40 million tons. Calculate: doesn’t it show that the advantage is on our side? In this case, our camp already has two such countries: the Soviet Union, which will overtake America in fifteen years, and China, which will overtake England in fifteen years.

In the end, what is the bottom line of the speech? We need to have a fifteen year period of peace. Whatever one says, the aim is to use all means to strive for the fifteen year peaceful period. In this case, we’ll really be undefeatable in the whole world, and no one will dare to fight against us.

Excerpt from the unedited translation of Mao Zedong’s Speech at the Moscow Conference of Communist and Workers’ Parties, 18 November 1957.

Accelerated agricultural development and the ‘Four Pests’
Between 1958 and 1960, millions of Chinese citizens moved onto communes. The communes would function in a self-sufficient manner, covering key aspects like industry, agriculture, governance, education and even healthcare. The rural Chinese toiled day and night, in hopes of raising crop yield to impress their leaders.

As the Great Leap Forward was underway, Mao launched the ‘Four Pests’ campaign, also known as the ‘Four Evils’. It was a hygiene campaign to exterminate rats, mosquitoes, flies and sparrows. By doing so, the Chinese leader believed that the grains produced would be kept safe. The extermination of these ‘pests’ was also meant to keep out infectious diseases.

Four Pests Campaign - Poster 2 - JC History Tuition Singapore - China's Economic Transformation Notes
A poster calling for the Chinese youths to kill the sparrows and protect the grains.
https://www.theworldofchinese.com/2017/09/chinas-serial-sparrow-sorrows/
A poster that showed the four specific species targeted during the ‘Four Pests Campaign’, namely mosquitoes, flies, sparrows and rats.

For instance, the Chinese shot the sparrows and destroyed their nests. The farmers were asked to make as much noise as they could so that the sparrows were chased away. In doing so, these birds were forced to take flight for a sustained duration till they died of exhaustion. They also armed themselves with fly swatters, guns and gongs to kill these vermin. By the end of the Campaign, about 1.5 billion rats and 1 billion sparrows were decimated.

In 1958, the Chinese government established a bureau for the extermination of sparrows in Beijing and started a war on sparrows. Sticks, slingshots, and poison cookies were prepared, after which a large parade was held celebrating the extermination of the sparrows. As a result, over two thousand million sparrows were killed. This cull nearly annihilated the total sparrow population.

Did this campaign result in a successful rice harvest? No. As sparrows disappeared, as of 1959, the number of insects in China increased. In 1960, an attack of locusts caused half of the expected rice harvest to disappear.

An excerpt taken from “Platform Strategy: A New Paradigm For A Changing World” by Ki-chan Kim, Chang-seok Song and Il Im.

A disastrous consequence: Collapse of the ecosystem and Widespread Famine
Yet, there were serious repercussions as a result of this Campaign. Given the essential role of the sparrow in feeding on the locusts, the severe decline of the sparrow population allowed the locusts to thrive, devouring fields of grain. In addition to the use of questionable farming techniques, a mass famine hit China. An estimated of 30 million people died during the Great Leap Forward.


Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the economic transformation of China and Japan under the theme of The Global Economy. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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JC History Tuition Singapore - What was the Income Doubling Plan in Japan 1960 - Japan Notes

What was the Income Doubling Plan in Japan?

Learn more about the economic transformation of Japan after the end of World War Two [Video by International Economics]

A political crisis: The Anpo protests
After Japan restored industrial production to pre-war levels in the 1950s, the Japanese government made thorough plans to embark on trade liberalisation. The leaders knew that reintegrating Japan into the world economy was next step forward.

However, the government was beset by socio-political unrest, particularly the Anpo protests (安保闘争) in 1959-1960. These protests were staged in opposition to the revised United States-Japan Security Treaty of 1952. This Treaty allowed the Americans to maintain military bases in Japan that allowed them to defend the nation in the event of an attack.

Although the protests had failed to prevent the Treaty from being revised, the Cabinet under Nobusuke Kishi (岸 信介) resigned on 15 July 1960. Even President Eisenhower’s planned visit to Japan was cancelled. The protests had far-reaching implications on Japan’s political landscape.

The protests were so extensive, and the issues at stake so deeply felt because actors on all sides – the U.S. government, Japanese conservatives and government leaders, and the expansive antitreaty movement – elevated the new security treaty as the key to enshrining or resisting visions of a Cold War democracy in Japan. Anpo became the ultimate clash between competing visions of Japanese democracy, which seemed irreconcilable.

An excerpt taken from “Cold War Democracy: The United States and Japan” by Jennifer M. Miller.

Economic renewal: Enter Ikeda
Kishi was succeeded by Hayato Ikeda (池田 勇人). As Prime Minister, Ikeda assumed a more conciliatory stance towards the political opposition, placing more focus on advancing the Japanese economy instead. On 27 December 1960, the Ikeda Cabinet reached a decision to launch the ‘Income Doubling Plan‘.

The Plan aimed to double the national income of Japan in ten years. To do so, several targets had to be reached. For instance, Japan had to reach 26 trillion yen in Gross National Product (GNP) [at the fiscal year 1958 price] within the next ten years. Also, Ikeda sought to attain full employment and raise the living standards of the Japanese population.

In summary, the ‘Income Doubling Plan’ was a long-term economic development plan to coordinate and systematise policies to facilitate industrial rationalisation, so as to achieve rapid economic growth.

The [Income Doubling Plan] was designed explicitly to quiet political protest after mass demonstrations against the government’s foreign policy. The Income Doubling Plan reaffirmed government responsibility for social welfare, vocational training, and education and increased spending considerably in these areas. It sought to eliminate low-wage jobs and regional income disparities. Yet the plan’s greatest innovation was to redefine growth and to include Japanese consumers as well as producers.

An excerpt taken from “Postwar Japan as History” by Andrew Gordon.

A force to be reckoned with: Japan as an economic powerhouse
True enough, the Ikeda Cabinet’s ambitions were realised. In the 1960s, Japan’s GNP grew at an annual rate of 10.6 percent in real terms. Evidently, Japan had surpassed the United States, which grew at an annual rate of 4.1 percent. In 1970, 30 percent of Japan’s GNP was attributed to the manufacturing sector, which was largely driven by the rise of the heavy and chemical industries. By the late 1960s, Japan became the world’s second largest economy, outpacing West Germany.

From being about a third of the American economy, measured in terms of GDP, in 1973 (and just over a tenth in 1950), the Japanese economy had become 40 percent as large by 1989. Japan first emerged as an industrial giant, with particular strength in electronic products, cameras, motorcycles and later motor cars, iron and steel, and shipbuilding; and a huge surplus in its manufactured goods trade balance, overtaking West Germany in the 1970s. The rise of Japan as a financial power, and of Tokyo as an international financial centre, was thus above all due to Japan’s rise to the rank of economic superpower.

An excerpt taken from “Crises and Opportunities: The Shaping of Modern Finance” by Youssef Cassis.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the economic transformation of Japan and China under the theme of The Global Economy. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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JC History Tuition Singapore - What is Operation Gibraltar - Indo-Pakistani Conflict Notes

What is Operation Gibraltar?

Prelude: Operation Desert Hawk
Between April and June 1965, the Pakistan Army executed Operation Desert Hawk in the Rann of Kutch, which was a large area of salt marshes between India and Pakistan. Two infantry brigades backed by Patton tanks attacked the Indian Border Police, capturing Indian posts before a ceasefire took effect on 1 July 1965.

General Muhammad Ayub Khan hailed the mission as a military victory for Pakistan. As such, Khan made plans to carry out an infiltration of the Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir (J&K).

The first phase, Operation Desert Hawk, to be launched in early 1965, was a probing encounter to claim territory in the Rann of Kutch, where the boundary had not yet been demarcated. This operation was meant to serve several purposes. First to assess India’s responses. Next to draw India’s military forces southwards of Kutch, away from the Punjab. Thirdly to give Pakistani military forces a dress rehearsal for a full scale invasion of India later in the year, initially in Kashmir and thereafter in Punjab. Fourthly to test how far America was serious in enforcing its ban on the use of American supplied Patton tanks and other military equipment for an attack on India.

An excerpt taken from “Transition to Triumph: Indian Navy 1965-1975” by Vice Adm G. M. Hiranandani.

A covert military operation: The Gibraltar Force
In early August 1965, Pakistan launched a clandestine operation to incite local uprisings among the Kashmiri Muslims in Azad Kashmir (Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, POK) to weaken Indian authority in J&K. The operation was meant to back the Kashmiris’ right to self-determination, in hopes of joining Pakistan instead.

The operation was named after the Muslim conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in the early 700s. A battalion size force of about 8,000 was tasked to carry out the infiltration. It comprised of Kashmiri volunteers trained by the Pakistan Army as well as personnel from the Army itself.

The ‘Gibraltar Force’, about 8,000 in number, comprised officers and other ranks of the Pakistan occupied Kashmir Battalions – Razakars and Mujahids. They were given intensive training in guerilla warfare schools for six weeks in laying of ambushes, demolition of bridges and disruption of lines of communication, raids on supply dumps and unit headquarters, and armed and unarmed combat.

An excerpt taken from “MAJOR DEFENCE OPERATIONS: A Glimpse into India’s Major Military Endeavors” by GP CAPT Ranbir Singh.

Defeat awaits: The Battle of Haji Pir Pass
Yet, Operation Gibraltar ended in failure. Instead, it provoked the Indian forces to retaliate. Between 26 and 28 August, a military confrontation between India and Pakistan occurred, resulting in the former’s successful capture of the entire Haji Pir Pass in POK. The capture proved to be a fatal loss to the Pakistani forces, given that the Haji Pir Pass was a key logistic base.

Operation Gibraltar proved to be too ambitious and was found to be beyond the means of Pakistan. Contrary to Pakistani expectations, the local population of Jammu and Kashmir, by and large, neither co-operated with the infiltrators nor rose in revolt against India. By 18th August 1965, Operation Gibraltar lots its momentum.

An excerpt taken from “Vision, Courage and Service: Life and Times of General T.N. Raina, MVC” by Brigadier Satish K. Issar.

The failed operation marked a collapse of the 1949 Karachi Agreement, setting the stage for the second Indo-Pakistani War in 1965.


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JC History Tuition Singapore - What is the steel trigger price mechanism - Global Economy Notes

What is the steel trigger price mechanism?

Learn more about the steel industry in the United States [Video by Wall Street Education].

Historical background
By the late 1970s, the share of imports for steel in the United States (US) market rose to 18 percent. This was substantially higher than the 2 percent in the late 1950s. In response, there was mounting pressure on the White House for protectionist responses.

Led by US President Jimmy Carter, the US government launched a programme to advance the domestic steel industry. At the core of this programme was the ‘Trigger Price Mechanism’ (TPM). This mechanism was targeted at the prevention of ‘unfair’ price competition from imports.

How does the Trigger Price Mechanism work?
Given that Japan was being identified as the lowest cost producer of steel in the world, its production costs would be publicly declared as ‘Trigger Prices’. Should the price of an import shipment be below the ‘trigger price’, the US government was authorised to intervene and act against the foreign supplier on the grounds of suspected dumping practices (i.e. export priced below the market price of an importing country).

Notably, the TPM functioned well in industries that were guided by price leadership. Once a market leader sets its ‘leading price’, other competitors would follow voluntarily. In 1920, the Supreme Court made a decision in the United States Steel Corporation case, declaring price leadership as an acceptable practice under the US anti-trust law. In other words, if the White House declares the ‘fair prices’ to all producers, these prices will be observed. By doing so, price competition can then be minimised.

The TPM was in effect from 1978 to 1982.

With the recession of 1980, prices of imported steel fell by less than 1 percent, and the price of domestic steel declined by 5.5 percent. In the first quarter of 1980, U.S. Steel filed dumping complaints against five European producers. By basing the trigger prices on Japanese costs, the program gave the higher-cost European producers a license to dump. […]

Nevertheless, the real price of imported steel continued to decline, producing another round of complaints from the steel industry in 1982. In addition to allegations of dumping, the steel companies maintained that foreign steel companies were being subsidized by their governments and that countervailing duties should be imposed. This charge led to the permanent suspension of the trigger price mechanism.

An excerpt taken from “Has trade protection revitalized domestic industries?” by Daniel P. Kaplan.

Did the Trigger Price Mechanism benefit the US steel industry? Assessing its impacts on the world economy.
The TPM functioned as a form of trade protection to enhance the efficiency of the domestic steel industry. Since 1960, the steel industry has not been as profitable as manufacturing, on average. With rising debts and low profitability, the domestic steel producers struggled to accumulate finances. Even with the use of the TPM, the profits generated were inadequate.

In summary, efforts to modernise the steel industry under the Carter administration were disappointing. By 1984, employment in the steel industry fell by nearly fifty percent compared to 1968. Instead, the TPM contributed to an increase in the world price of steel, indicating an adverse impact on the global economy.

The trigger price mechanism has, however, altered the geographic pattern of imports, cutting into the Japanese share of the U.S. market to the advantage not only of European producers, which was part of the original intent, but of such fast-growing newcomers as Brazil, Korea, and Taiwan.

The most striking impact, however, of a trigger price mechanism based on Japanese costs, given the rapid appreciation of the yen, has been to raise prices. Trigger price levels rose by more than 10 percent in 1978, almost entirely as a result of the yen’s appreciation, and were scheduled to rise by another 7 percent on January 1, 1979. […] In the words of the EEC’s steel producers’ group, Eurofer, the trigger price mechanism “has raised steel prices all around the world.”

An excerpt taken from “The International Environment: Readings” by Eston T. White and Walter R. Milliken.

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