Understand the causes and consequences of inter-state and intra-state conflicts. Also, you will learn more about the effectiveness of conflict management.

Why did the Ten Day War Happen - Bosnian War Notes - Intrastate Conflicts - JC History Tuition Singapore

Why did the Ten Day War Happen?

Historical context: Slovenian Independence
In the wake of Josip Broz Tito‘s death on 4 May 1980 as well as the decline of Communism in Eastern Europe in 1989, the political stability of Yugoslavia was at risk. In addition, the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution and its provisions posed a strong impetus for the decentralisation of power to the republics.

As the former satellites under communist rule in Eastern Europe fell apart, Yugoslavia was increasingly influenced by democratic forces. On 8 April 1990, Slovenia held its first multiparty elections since World War Two. The Democratic Opposition of Slovenia (DEMOS) won the majority, forming the government of Slovenia.

On 25 June 1991, Slovenia declared independence from Yugoslavia, triggering the start of the Ten-Day War.

In the 1980s, Slovenians demanded the same things Americans asked for in the 1770s: free speech, right to assembly, democracy, and more control over the taxing and spending. They made two mistakes on their way to independence. First, in November 1989, Slovenia prohibited Serbs and Montenegrins from coming to Ljubljana to protest against Slovenia’s constitutional changes. This hypocritically contradicted their demand for free speech and free assembly. […]

Their second mistake was firing a gun. In 1991, Slovenia’s declaration of independence led to a ten-day civil war with Yugoslavia. […] Here’s the Ten-Day War summary: you’re carrying a grenade launcher and you’re fighting a seven-year-old Slovenian boy with a water pistol: “Bang! Bang! You’re dead!” the boy screams. You fall to the ground, pretending to be dead, and the boy declares victory.

An excerpt taken from “The Hidden Europe: What Eastern Europeans Can Teach Us” by Francis Tapon.

The military confrontation and the eventual cessation of hostilities
The Yugoslav government rejected Slovenia’s unilateral declaration of independence as seen by its deployment of the Yugoslav People’s Army (JNA) a day later. The JNA surrounded Slovenia, cutting the latter from the outside world. In retaliation, the Slovenian police and Territorial Defense set up barricades by using large transport vehicles. Yet, such efforts were futile as the JNA drove armoured vehicles.

Fortunately, the conflict came to an end with the signing of the Brioni Agreement on 7 July 1991. The European Community (EC) oversaw the peace process that involved representatives of Slovenia, Yugoslavia and Croatia.

Notably, the Agreement called for a ceasefire and the withdrawal of JNA forces from Slovenia. Negotiations on the future of Yugoslavia were to commence on 1 August 1991 and that the Yugoslav people were to determine their future.

The Brioni Agreement was significant in that it guaranteed the continued engagement of the EC in the Yugoslav situation through the legal establishment of the European Community Monitor Mission (ECMM). Furthermore, although it effectively suspended Slovenia’s bid for independence for three months, the Brioni Agreement paved the way for Slovenia’s full independence from Yugoslavia by extending a set of EC-issued prerequisites. After the Brioni Agreement was signed, the JNA withdrew its forces from Slovenia but repositioned them in Croatia, where violence continued until 1995.

An excerpt taken from “War in the Balkans: An Encyclopedic History from the Fall of the Ottoman Empire to the Breakup of Yugoslavia” by Richard C. Hall.

A short-lived peace in Croatia and the Start of the Bosnian War
Even after the Brioni Agreement was signed, the international community’s efforts to forestall a Yugoslav war were inadequate. For instance, the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 713 on 25 September 1991 was to impose an arms embargo on all former Yugoslav territories. Yet, the Serb forces used the military equipment of the JNA and the Croat and Bosniak forces gathered their military supplies via Croatia.

In late September 1991, the JNA advanced its forces into the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Mostar, drawing strong protests by the local government. In response, the Bosniaks and Croats clashed with the JNA. By then, the Bosnian War had begun.


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JC History Tuition Singapore - What is Operation Gibraltar - Indo-Pakistani Conflict Notes

What is Operation Gibraltar?

Prelude: Operation Desert Hawk
Between April and June 1965, the Pakistan Army executed Operation Desert Hawk in the Rann of Kutch, which was a large area of salt marshes between India and Pakistan. Two infantry brigades backed by Patton tanks attacked the Indian Border Police, capturing Indian posts before a ceasefire took effect on 1 July 1965.

General Muhammad Ayub Khan hailed the mission as a military victory for Pakistan. As such, Khan made plans to carry out an infiltration of the Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir (J&K).

The first phase, Operation Desert Hawk, to be launched in early 1965, was a probing encounter to claim territory in the Rann of Kutch, where the boundary had not yet been demarcated. This operation was meant to serve several purposes. First to assess India’s responses. Next to draw India’s military forces southwards of Kutch, away from the Punjab. Thirdly to give Pakistani military forces a dress rehearsal for a full scale invasion of India later in the year, initially in Kashmir and thereafter in Punjab. Fourthly to test how far America was serious in enforcing its ban on the use of American supplied Patton tanks and other military equipment for an attack on India.

An excerpt taken from “Transition to Triumph: Indian Navy 1965-1975” by Vice Adm G. M. Hiranandani.

A covert military operation: The Gibraltar Force
In early August 1965, Pakistan launched a clandestine operation to incite local uprisings among the Kashmiri Muslims in Azad Kashmir (Pakistan-occupied Kashmir, POK) to weaken Indian authority in J&K. The operation was meant to back the Kashmiris’ right to self-determination, in hopes of joining Pakistan instead.

The operation was named after the Muslim conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in the early 700s. A battalion size force of about 8,000 was tasked to carry out the infiltration. It comprised of Kashmiri volunteers trained by the Pakistan Army as well as personnel from the Army itself.

The ‘Gibraltar Force’, about 8,000 in number, comprised officers and other ranks of the Pakistan occupied Kashmir Battalions – Razakars and Mujahids. They were given intensive training in guerilla warfare schools for six weeks in laying of ambushes, demolition of bridges and disruption of lines of communication, raids on supply dumps and unit headquarters, and armed and unarmed combat.

An excerpt taken from “MAJOR DEFENCE OPERATIONS: A Glimpse into India’s Major Military Endeavors” by GP CAPT Ranbir Singh.

Defeat awaits: The Battle of Haji Pir Pass
Yet, Operation Gibraltar ended in failure. Instead, it provoked the Indian forces to retaliate. Between 26 and 28 August, a military confrontation between India and Pakistan occurred, resulting in the former’s successful capture of the entire Haji Pir Pass in POK. The capture proved to be a fatal loss to the Pakistani forces, given that the Haji Pir Pass was a key logistic base.

Operation Gibraltar proved to be too ambitious and was found to be beyond the means of Pakistan. Contrary to Pakistani expectations, the local population of Jammu and Kashmir, by and large, neither co-operated with the infiltrators nor rose in revolt against India. By 18th August 1965, Operation Gibraltar lots its momentum.

An excerpt taken from “Vision, Courage and Service: Life and Times of General T.N. Raina, MVC” by Brigadier Satish K. Issar.

The failed operation marked a collapse of the 1949 Karachi Agreement, setting the stage for the second Indo-Pakistani War in 1965.


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JC History Tuition Singapore - How did Pakistan came into existence - Indo-Pakistani Conflict Notes

How did Pakistan came into existence?

Examine the historical significance of the India-Pakistan partition in 1947 [Video by TRT World].

Quaid-e-Azam: Enter Muhammad Ali Jinnah
In 1876, Mahomedali Jinnahbhai (Jinnah) was born in Karachi. Seven years later, the eldest son of a merchant moved to London to study law at the Lincoln’s Inn. In the process, Jinnah learnt more about nationalist politics.

Jinnah then returned home and joined two organisations – the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League. He urged both groups to seek cooperation in order to achieve self-government. As a result, the Lucknow Pact was created in December 1916. The Pact presented a set of demands to the British, such as greater representation to the religious minorities in the provincial legislatures.

The [Lucknow] pact, according to Lal Bahadur, “proved the British allegation of sharp division between the Hindus and the Muslims and justified, for all intents and purposes, all earlier propaganda of the latter regarding the exercise of the so called high handedness by the former… The ought to have understood that this concession to the Muslims separationists would tear the nation forever into two sharply divided communities“.

An excerpt taken from “Muslim Separatism and the Partition of India” by Debadutta Chakravarty.

However, the rise of Mahatma Gandhi gradually overshadowed Jinnah’s prominence in Indian politics by the 1920s. Over time, a political rivalry between the two political figures surfaced. Gandhi led the Indian National Congress, whereas Jinnah helmed the Muslim League.

A nation for the Muslims in India: The Lahore Resolution
Jinnah stressed that the Muslim League represented the Muslim population in India. He asserted that the Muslim interests were not adequately protected in spite of the 1937 elections. More importantly, Jinnah claimed that a Hindu-dominated India would be problematic since the Muslims should also play an equally important role in the politics of an independent nation.

Jinnah asserted in 1940 that the Indian Muslims were not a minority but a nation, thus entitled to the principle of self-determination. Under the ‘Two-Nation Theory‘, the Muslims and Hindus are two separate nations. The Muslims should have their own separate homeland in which Islam is the dominant religion, which differed from the Hindus.

On 23 March 1940, the Lahore Resolution was made by the Muslim League, calling for the autonomy of territories in the northwestern and eastern parts of British India. Notably, 23 March is the National Day of Pakistan.

Ironically, inasmuch as it had outlined a separate Muslim homeland, the reference point for this parallel federalist thinking was the 1940 Lahore Resolution, which was passed by the All India Muslim League and canonized as the raison d’etre for Pakistan after partition. […] The Lahore Resolution raised more questions than answers. Would there be one or more groupings? What was the meaning of independent sovereign units? How many states were visualized for Muslims?

An excerpt taken from “Unstable Constitutionalism Law and Politics in South Asia” by Mark Tushnet and Madhav Khosla.

Choudhry Rahmat Ali came up with a name for an autonomous Muslim state in northwestern India: Pakistan. It was an acronym composed of the first letters of Panjab, Afghan Province, Kashmir and Sindh and the last syllable of Baluchistan. Although Jinnah initially objected to Rahmat Ali’s proposition, the former eventually accepted the creation of a ‘moth-eaten’ Pakistan on 14 August 1947.


Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the Indo-Pakistani conflict under the theme of Conflict and Cooperation. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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JC History Tuition Singapore - What is Article 370 - Indo-Pakistani Conflict Notes

What is Article 370?

Learn more about the historical background of Article 370 to understand the impacts when the Indian government revoked it [Video by DW News].

Historical context
After the end of the Second World War, Third World nations went through decolonisation. In 1947, the British Parliament passed the Indian Independence Act, fulfilling the aspirations of the people in India.

On 15 August 1947, it was declared that India was to be partitioned to form two independent dominions – India and Pakistan. This Partition was attributed to multiple factors, including Lord Louis Mountbatten’s hastily conceived strategies to withdraw the British.

The division of the subcontinent into India and Pakistan was triggered by a combination of factors in the metropole and the colony: In addition to the shifting colonial position on retaining India as a colony, the demand for Partition was articulated within the context of a colonial state’s framing of provincial politics and intra-elite factional conflicts within India that had already prepared the ground for irreconcilable differences. The two-nation theory, driven more by politics than religion, grew in momentum from the fears stoked by democratization in the 1930s, the Indian National Congress’s anti-war stance, the growing empowerment of the Muslims League, and the British announcement to quit India.

An excerpt taken from “The Performance of Nationalism India, Pakistan, and the Memory of Partition” by Jisha Menon.

Incorporation of Article 370 & Article 35A: Special Status of Jammu and Kashmir
Through the Instrument of Accession to India, Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) joined India in October 1947 after much contemplation whether to accede to India or Pakistan.

At first, the Princely States of India were permitted to have a separate constitution. However, in 1949, they agreed to accept the Indian Constitution for their own states. In contrast, J&K opposed this move. Then, Maharaja Hari Singh’s successor, Sheikh Abdullah, forged a new political relationship with India, leading to the attainment of special rights for J&K. This was known as Article 370.

On 17 October 1949, the Indian government introduced Article 370 as part of the Indian Constitution, granting J&K autonomy of internal administration. In other words, J&K was permitted to pass its own laws in all matters, excluding finance, foreign affairs, communications and defense.

In 1952, Abdullah and Nehru forged a 1952 Delhi Agreement, which led to the introduction of Article 35A in 1954. Article 35A functions as a provision for the special treatment of ‘permanent residents’ of J&K, such as employment, property ownership and settlement.

Article 370 was incorporated in the Constitution of India with particular reference to Jammu and Kashmir. No other Princely State that acceded to India in 1947 by executing the same standard instrument of accession was referred to in this way in the Constitution of India that came into force on 26th January, 1950. […] Yes, may be there are still some in J&K, who have grievance against Nehru or Congress for putting the people of J&K in illusions or still keeping J&K like a Colony, earlier it was of the British and now it is of India under Article 370 some may allege.

An excerpt taken from “Jammu & Kashmir- A Victim: Understanding the Complexities of the Conflict in Kashmir” by Daya Sagar.

Recent developments: Revocation of Article 370
In August 2019, the Modi government revoked Article 370, marking an end to the special status of J&K. Modi asserted that the revocation was necessary to place J&K on the same footing as the rest of India, aligning with his political party’s election manifesto.

The shocking announcement raised concerns of demographic changes within J&K, as non-Kashmiris would be allowed to purchase land in the Muslim-majority region.

Despite the provisions included in Article 370, there have been several presidential orders over the years that India has used to increase its reach and control in the state. Nonetheless, Article 370 was symbolically important for many living in Jammu and Kashmir. The state having its own constitution and flag allowed the people to hold on to a unique cultural and linguistic identity. Consequently, the revocation of Article 370 was perceived by many Kashmiris as an assault on their national identity.

An excerpt taken from “Abrogation of Article 370: An Analysis of the Supreme Court Verdict” by Imran Ahmed and Muhammad Saad Ul Haque.

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about the Indo-Pakistani conflict under the theme of Conflict and Cooperation. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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JC History Tuition Singapore - What is the Instrument of Accession - Indo-Pakistani Conflict Notes

What is the Instrument of Accession?

Historical context: India divided and the British departure
In 1946, Britain declared that it would grant India independence. The Governor-General Lord Louis Mountbatten declared that this important phase would commence on 15 August 1947. However, views on the ground were divided on the matter.

Leaders of the Indian National Congress Party, Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi, called for a single federal dominion of independent India. They believed that a united India was vital to bring people from all faiths together.

In contrast, the Muslim League leader Muhammad Ali Jinnah insisted that the Partition was necessary to form an independent Pakistan that governs the Muslims rather than to remain subordinate to the Hindu majority of India.

As such, the British civil servant Sir Cyril Radcliffe was tasked by Mountbatten to draw up the borders between India and Pakistan.

An illustration of the Partition of India [Sources: Nigel Dalziel, The Penguin Historical Atlas of the British Empire, Penguin Books, 2006; George s Duby, Atlas historique mondial, Larousse, 2003].

In less than ten weeks, a British layers, Cyril Radcliffe, who had never set foot on Indian soil, presided over the partition of British India’s two largest multicultural provinces, Punjab and Bengal.

After first rushing Radcliffe to finish drawing the new maps in desperate haste, Mountbatten embargoed them as soon as Radcliffe finished, refusing to allow even his own British governors of Punjab and Bengal to see where the new lines would be drawn, such that no troops could be stationed at key danger points along these incendiary provincial borders, no warnings could be posted for desperate people who, overnight, found themselves living in ‘enemy’ countries rather than among relatives and friends.

An excerpt taken from “India and Pakistan: Continued Conflict or Cooperation?” by Stanley Wolpert.

As a result of the Partition, many Hindus and Muslims were subjected to violent attacks from opposing sides. An estimated of up to 20 million people were displaced as a result of the Partition.

Enter Maharaja Hari Singh: Jammu and Kashmir
On 26 October 1947, Maharaja Hari Singh, then ruler of the State of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), signed the Instrument of Accession (IoA) with India. Initially, Hari Singh wanted Kashmir to remain independent, but changed his mind when attacked by tribesmen from Pakistan during the Poonch uprising.

J&K was founded by Maharaja Gulab Singh in 1846. It was strategically located within the border provinces of Gilgit-Baltistan and Ladakh, thus explaining it being a hotly contested territory.

The circumstances, as they developed owing to the raids of tribesmen, were such that immediate action was uncalled for. The invasion of tribesmen was possible only because of Pakistani support. Mahajan commented: “The tribesmen were subjects of Pakistan. This was an unprovoked act of aggression. The Maharaja had done nothing to invite it. […] Unless accession took place and supported by the National Conference, Nehru was unwilling to send Indian army.

An excerpt from “Jammu and Kashmir: The Cold War and The West” by D. N. Panigrahi.

On that same day, Mountbatten accepted the accession of J&K.


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JC History Tuition Singapore - What is the United Nations Partition Plan - Arab-Israeli Conflict Notes

What is the United Nations Partition Plan?

Learn more about the day when Palestine was partitioned as part of the United Nations Plan [Video by the Associated Press].

Historical Context: The end of the British mandate of Palestine
Between 1922 and 1947, Great Britain assumed control of the Palestinian territory, as part of its mandate authorised by the League of Nations. As mentioned in the Balfour Declaration, the British government expressed support for the creation of a ‘national home for the Jewish people’ even though it did not specify the territorial delineation of Palestine.

As Jewish immigration from Europe took place between 1922 and 1947, the Arab-Jewish tensions (see Arab revolts of 1936-39) grew and escalated by the onset of the Second World War. Even the British was not spared of the escalating violence, pressuring the government to seek an viable solution for the two groups.

In the years between the 1929 Wailing Wall riots, which had shaken the Zionist leadership’s complacent faith in eventual Arab acceptance of the Zionist enterprise, and the outbreak of the Arab Revolt, informal negotiations took place between Ben-Gurion and Musa Alami. […]

Ben-Gurion seemed to come to a more sober understanding of the Arab position: “There is a conflict, a great conflict. There is a fundamental conflict. We and they want the same thing: We both want Palestine. And that is the fundamental conflict.”

An excerpt taken from “The Palestinian People: A History” by Baruch Kimmerling and Joel S. Migdal.

Enter the United Nations Special Committee on Palestine (UNSCOP): The Partition Plan
In April 1947, Britain referred the ‘Palestine matter’ to the United Nations – an inter-governmental organisation that took over the mantle of the defunct-League of Nations. In May 1947, the UNSCOP examined the matter. This committee consisted of eleven members: The Netherlands, Peru, Sweden, Uruguay, Yugoslavia, Canada, Australia, Czechoslovakia, Guatemala, India and Iran.

In summary, the UNSCOP concluded that the British Mandate should be terminate and that Palestine should be partitioned into two independent states.

The Partition Plan was as follows:

  1. The proposed Jewish state: Land around Tel Aviv and Haifa, Negev, Jezreel and the Hule Valleys. The Jewish state was to be comprised of about 5,500 square miles and the population was to be 538,000 Jews and 397,000 Arabs.
  2. The proposed Arab state: Gaza strip, Nablus, Galilee, Hebron and Beersheba. The Arab states was to be compromised of 4,500 square miles and the population was to be 804,000 Arabs and 10,000 Jews.
  3. The Jerusalem city was to be administered as an international zone.

On 29 November 1947, the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) obtained a two-thirds majority, adopting Resolution 181. Both the United States and the Soviet Union supported the Partition Plan, whereas Britain abstained.

It is important to note that the Palestinian Arabs and Jews were divided on the Partition Plan, which may have explained why tensions persisted even after 1948.

The question of the Palestinian position regarding the UN partition plan which was adopted on the 29 November 1947 is not as clear and sharp as it is customary to portray it in most of the historical sources dealing with the issue. In the Palestinian camp there was a variety of views which were not expressed in the ultimate position, which crystallized and was perceived by the international community as an absolute rejection of the partition resolution.

The Palestinian people was forced to pay an unbearable price for their acquiescence of the decision of a short-sighted leadership. The terrible tragedy which befell them demolished their hopes to realize their national ambitions and to live in a state where they would enjoy sovereignty and independence like all other nations.

An excerpt taken from “The Two-State Solution: The UN Partition Resolution of Mandatory Palestine – Analysis and Sources” by Ruth Gavison.
A map to illustrate the United Nations Partition Plan of 1947 [Source: The United Nations Department of Public Information].

Join our JC History Tuition to learn more about Conflict and Cooperation. The H2 and H1 History Tuition feature online discussion and writing practices to enhance your knowledge application skills. Get useful study notes and clarify your doubts on the subject with the tutor. You can also follow our Telegram Channel to get useful updates.

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JC History Tuition Singapore - What is the Balfour Declaration - Arab-Israeli Conflict Notes

What is the Balfour Declaration?

Learn more about the Balfour Declaration to understand its impact on the Arab-Israeli conflict in the 20th Century [Video by The Economist]

Historical Context
During World War One, Britain and France clashed with Germany on the Western Front. In December 1917, British Prime Minister David Lloyd George publicly supported Zionism. The Russian Jew Chaim Weizmann was one of those that led this movement.

The British government’s decision to declare its support of Zionism was partly driven by hopes of garnering Jewish support for the Allied Powers amidst the war.

On 27 November 1914, tentatively reviewing British war aims, [C. P. Scott] raised the question of Palestine and Zionism, but found that the subject was not new to Lloyd George, who told him that he had had a ‘heart to heart’ talk with Herbert Samuel, that he sympathised with the aspirations of a small nation and was interested in a ‘partly Jewish buffer state’. Scott continued diligently to press the Zionists’ case and at the end of January 1917 he urged the British Government to issue a definite statement in favour of making Palestine a national home for the Jews.

An excerpt taken from “The Question of Palestine British-Jewish-Arab Relations, 1914-1918” by Isaiah Friedman.

The Declaration: A letter to Rothschild
On 2 November 1917, British Foreign Secretary Arthur Balfour wrote a letter to Lionel Walter Rothschild, a friend of Weizmann. The letter stated that the British government was in favour of the ‘establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people’. Rothschild represented the British Jewish community.

His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, and will use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement of this object, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which may prejudice the civil and religious rights of existing non-Jewish communities in Palestine or the rights and political status enjoyed by Jews in any other country.

An excerpt taken from the Balfour Declaration written by Arthur James Balfour to Lord Rothschild, 2 November 1917.

After the Declaration was made, the League of Nations declared that Palestine would fall under the British Mandate on 24 July 1922. This ‘mandate’ system was meant to give the League authority to administer non-self-governing territories, so as to advance the well-being of the population within.

While the British Mandate allowed both the Jewish and Arab communities to manage their own affairs, the British was unable to maintain regional stability.

But the Balfour Declaration, far from being dropped, became embedded – even augmented – in British policy to Palestine. This continuing British commitment was made in the face of all-but overwhelming evidence and argument that a British-backed Zionist project for a Jewish national home would lead to inter-communal antagonism and, in time, a territory that would be ungovernable. Arab opposition was rekindled after the war and, as Jewish immigration resumed, soon manifested itself in demonstrations, petitions and outbreaks of violence.

An excerpt taken from “Legacy of Empire Britain, Zionism and the Creation of Israel” by Gardner Thompson.

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